Everything about Collective Action totally explained
Collective action is the pursuit of a goal or set of goals by more than one person. It is a term which has formulations and theories in many areas of the social sciences.
In sociology
As an explanation of social movements, an inquiry into collective action involves examining those factors that cause the setting of standards of social integration, as well as those factors which lead to standards of deviance and conflict. An explanation of a collective action in sociology will involve the explanation of those things which are similar or dissimilar to collective actions at different times and in different places. Theories of collective action emphasise how group behavior can, in some sense, be linked to social
institutions.
In political science and economics
The economic theory of
collective action is concerned with the
provision of
public goods (and other collective consumption) through the
collaboration of two or more individuals, and the impact of
externalities on group behavior. It is more commonly referred to as
Public Choice. The foundational work in collective action in the economic sense was Ronald Coases, "The Nature of the Firm" (1937), which introduced the concept of transaction costs to explain the size of firms, and "The Problem of Social Cost" (1960.) Moreover
Mancur Olson's 1965 book
The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups is also of importance.
Olson's theory explores the
market failures where individual
consumer rationality and firms' profit-seeking don't lead to
efficient provision of the public goods, for example where another level of provision would provide a higher
utility at a lower cost.
Note, however, that the theory isn't necessarily a challenge to the
invisible hand principle of
Adam Smith. It only limits the domain in which that principle applies: for purely
private goods in ideal
competitive markets, the pursuit of self-interest is still efficient.
Besides economics, the theory has found many applications in
political science,
sociology,
anthropology and
environmentalism.
Exploitation of the great by the small
Mancur Olson made the highly controversial claim that individual
rational choice leads to situations where individuals with more resources will carry a higher burden in the provision of the public good than poorer ones. Poorer individuals will usually have little choice but to opt for the
free rider strategy, for example that'll attempt to benefit from the public good without contributing to its provision. This also encourages the under-production (inefficient production) of the public good.
However, further theoretical analysis showed that this isn't the case when individuals have widely-differing perceptions of the
utility of the public good.
Institutional design
While public goods are often provided by governments, this isn't always the case. Various institutional designs have been studied with the aim of reducing the collaborative failure. The best design for a given situation depends on the production costs, the utility function, and the collaborative effects, amongst other things. Here are only some examples:
Joint products
A joint-product model analyzes the collaborative effect of joining a private good to a public good. For example, a tax deduction (private good) can be tied to a donation to a charity (public good).
It can be shown that the provision of the public good increases when tied to the private good, as long as the private good is provided by a monopoly (otherwise the private good would be provided by competitors without the link to the public good).
Club
Some institutional design, for example
intellectual property rights, can introduce an exclusion mechanism and turn a pure
public good into an impure public good artificially.
If the costs of the exclusion mechanism are not higher than the gain from the
collaboration, clubs can emerge.
James M. Buchanan showed in his seminal paper that clubs can be an efficient alternative to government interventions.
A
nation can be seen as a club whose members are its citizens. Government would then be the manager of this club. This is further studied in the
Theory of the State.
Federated structure
In some cases, theory shows that collaboration emerges spontaneously in smaller groups rather than in large ones. This explains why
labor unions or
charities often have a federated structure.
Wikipedia is another example, where collaboration is fostered at the level of individual pages; this involves fewer participants than collaboration on the encyclopedia as a whole. Collaboration on
wikibooks is more difficult for the same reason.
In philosophy
Over the past twenty years or so analytic philosophers have been exploring the nature of collective action in the sense of acting together, as when people paint a house together, go for a walk together, or together execute a pass play. These particular examples have been central for three of the philosophers who have made well known contributions to this literature:
Michael Bratman,
Margaret Gilbert, and
John Searle, respectively.
In Gilbert(1989) and subsequent articles and book chapters including Gilbert (2006, chapter 7) Gilbert argues for an account of collective action according to which this rests on a special kind of interpersonal commitment, what Gilbert calls a "joint commitment". A joint commitment in Gilbert's sense isn't a matter of a set of personal commitments independently created by each of the participants, as when each makes a personal decision to do something. Rather, it's a single commitment to whose creation each participant makes a contribution. Thus suppose that one person says "Shall we go for a walk?" and the other says "Yes, let's". Gilbert proposes that as a result of this exchange the parties are jointly committed to go for a walk, and thereby obligated to one another to act as if they were parts of a single person taking a walk. Joint commitments can be created less explicitly and through processes that are more extended in time. One merit of a joint commitment account of collective action, in Gilbert's view, is that it explains the fact that those who are out on a walk together, for instance, understand that each of them is in a position to demand corrective action of the other if he or she acts in ways that affect negatively the completion of their walk. In Gilbert (2005) she discusses the pertinence of joint commitment to collective actions in the sense of the theory of rational choice.
In Searle (1990) Searle argues that what lies at the heart of a collective action is the presence in the mind of each participant of a "we-intention". Searle doesn't give an account of we-intentions or, as he also puts it, "collective intentionality", but insists that they're distinct from the "I-intentions" that animate the actions of persons acting alone.
In Bratman (1993) Bratman proposed that, roughly, two people "share an intention" to paint a house together when each intends that the house is painted by virtue of the activity of each, and also intends that it's so painted by virtue of the intention of each that it's so painted. That these conditions obtain must also be "common knowledge" between the participants.
Discussion in this area continues to expand, and has influenced discussions in other disciplines including anthropology, developmental psychology, and economics. One general question is whether it's necessary to think in terms that go beyond the personal intentions of individual human beings properly to characterize what it's to act together. Bratman's account doesn't go beyond such personal intentions. Gilbert's account, with its invocation of joint commitment, does go beyond them. Searle's account does also, with its invocation of collective intentionality. The question of whether and how one must account for the existence of mutual obligations when there's a collective intention is another of the issues in this area of inquiry.
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